May 8th, 1825:
Jefferson explains that the Declaration of Independence sought to capture a particular strain of political thought that was important and prevalent in the time leading up to the American Revolution.
The American Revolution is unique amongst analogous political changes because of its distinctly ideological character. In 1818, John Adams wrote to Jefferson that the real Revolution in America did not consist of the marshaling of troops and battles; it was a revolution “in the minds and hearts of the people; a change in their religious sentiments of their duties and obligations.… This radical change in the principles, opinions, sentiments, and affections of the people, was the real American Revolution.” In a similar vein, Jefferson, in a later letter to Henry Lee, explains the true Revolution began in people’s minds. Jefferson recommends that prospective scholars access the private correspondence of the revolutionary generation to study the American Revolution.
In this 1825 letter to Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson explains that the “object of the Declaration of Independence” was to “appeal to the tribunal of the world” with a justification of the decision “to resort to arms for redress” in response to the British government. Jefferson made no claims that the arguments made in the Declaration were original or unique to his pen. He writes, “Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment … it was intended to be an expression of the American mind.” He believed expressions of the American mind could be observed in letters, pamphlets, and, importantly, what he called “elementary books of public right,” i.e. the foundational texts about good government, in which he included the writings of the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle, the Roman statesman, lawyer, and philosopher Marcus Tullius Cicero, the grandfather of liberalism John Locke, and Algernon Sidney, a rebellious figure and martyr during the English Civil War.
Jefferson appealed to a common sentiment that characterizes eighteenth-century thought: that human affairs and politics could be ameliorated and improved to varying degrees by examining history. This tendency can be found in Patrick Henry’s reference to history as “the lamp of experience” and Alexander Hamilton and James Madison’s Federalist 20, where they state, “Experience is the oracle of truth.”
Jefferson’s writings draw our attention to two key intellectual traditions that shaped the political principles of the American Revolution: the wisdom of Classical authors from ancient Greece and Rome, and the ideas of Whig writers from seventeenth-century England. Despite their differing periods and opinions, these two traditions were united by a shared respect for the rule of law and private property, principles that underpinned the vision of a free republic that the American Revolution sought to establish.
The text presented below is from the National Archives’s Founders Online database.
-Paul Meany
Intellectual History Editor, Libertarianism.org
What’s your political type?
Find out right now by taking The World’s Smallest Political Quiz.
Monticello May 8. 25.
Dear Sir
Your favor of Apr. 29 has been duly recieved, and the offer of mineralogical specimens from Mr Myer has been communicated to Dr Emmet our Professor of Natural history. The last donation of the legislature to the University was appropriated specifically to a library and apparatus of every kind. But we apply it first to the more important articles of a library, of an astronomical, physical, & chemical apparatus. And we think it safest to see what these will cost, before we venture on collections of mineral & other subjects. The last we must proportion to what sum we shall have left only. The Professor possesses already what he thinks will be sufficient for mineralogical and geological explanations to his school. I do not know how far he might be tempted to enlarge his possession by a catalogue of the articles and prices, if both should be satisfactory. If Mr Myer chuses to send such a catalogue, it shall be returned to you immediately, if the purchase be not approved.
That George Mason was author of the bill of rights, and of the constitution founded on it, the evidence of the day established fully in my mind. Of the paper you mention, purporting to be instructions to the Virginia delegation in Congress, I have no recollection. If it were any thing more than a projét of some private hand, that is to say, had any such instructions been ever given by the Convention, they would appear in the Journals, which we possess entire. But with respect to our rights and the acts of the British government contravening those rights, there was but one opinion on this side of the water. All American whigs thought alike on these subjects. When forced therefore to resort to arms for redress, an appeal to the tribunal of the world was deemed proper for our justification. This was the object of the Declaration of Independance. Not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject; […] terms so plain and firm, as to command their assent, and to justify ourselves in the independant stand we […] compelled to take. Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the american mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion. all it’s authority rests then on the harmonising sentiments of the day, whether expressed, in conversns in letters, printed essays or in the elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Sidney Etc. The historical documents which you mention as in your possession, ought all to be found, and I am persuaded you will find, to be corroborative of the facts and principles advanced in that Declaration. Be pleased to accept assurances of my great respect and esteem.
Th: Jefferson
This article was originally published by Libertarianism.org.